|
|
The Origin and Evolution of “Di” in Shang and Zhou Dynasties from the Perspective of Man and Nature |
LIU Guang-jie |
International College,Chongqing University,Chongqing 400044 |
|
|
Abstract The different evolution of “di (emperor)”in Shang and Zhou Dynasties is essentially a manifestation of the relation between man and nature.The Huaxia nationality generally believed that “di”originated from the female reproduction worship during the matriarchal society period.It is the confluence of three beliefs,namely,di is the source of life,the mother of all things and the gate of death and life,and it is a symbol of the supernatural power that is beyond human control.In the fight between man and nature,the big state Shang constantly played down the divine power of nature but played up human power,and thus replaced di,an upper god distant from humans,with lower gods and ancestors close to humans in the divine system,and the power of di therefore gradually declined.On the contrary,the small state Zhou recognized human power through worshipping divine power,therefore reshaped the core content of “tian (nature)”and “di”with human ethics and morality through internal transformation.It finally made a breakthrough in the integration of heaven and man,and made “di”evolve into a supreme god of yi (righteousness) and li (rationality) in early Zhou Dynasty.On the one hand,this can be attributed to the different social and historical conditions in Shang and Zhou.On the other hand,it reflects different qualities of Shang and Zhou:Shang was proud and pragmatic while Zhou were humble and respectful of tradition.
|
|
|
|
|
|
[1] 胡厚宣.释殷代求年于四方和四方风的祭祀[J].复旦学报(社会科学版),1956,(1):49-86. [2] 冯时.中国古代的天文与人文[M].北京:中国社会科学出版社,2006.70. [3] 黄厚明.论原始宗教形态的逻辑发生[J].广西民族研究,2003,(3):49-52. [4] 胡厚宣.殷代之天神崇拜[A].甲骨学商史论丛初集(外一种)[C].石家庄:河北教育出版社,2002.239 . [5] 黄怀信,张懋镕,田旭东.逸周书汇校集注[M].上海:上海古籍出版社,1995.482. [6] 胡厚宣,胡振宇.殷商史[M].上海:上海人民出版社,2003.566. [7] 刘源.商周祭祖礼研究[M].北京:商务印书馆,2004.71. [8] 李双芬.卜辞“帝”观念的转变与商末政治理性的进步[J].齐鲁学刊,2016,(5):33-40. [9] 晁福林.论殷代神权[J].中国社会科学,1990,(1):99-112. [10] 董作宾.论殷代礼制之新旧两派[A].董作宾先生全集·乙编(第一册)[C].台北:艺文印书馆,1978.27. [11] 刘泽华,葛荃主编.中国古代政治思想史[M].天津:南开大学出版社,2001.2. [12] 杨阳.“受命于天”与中国古代施政观念的形成——商周时期政治思想述论[J].政治学研究,2017,(4):2-14. [13] 陈春会.考古学与先秦宗教思想论纲[D].西安:西北大学,2002.42. [14] 郭静云.夏商周:从神话到史实·摘要[M].上海:上海古籍出版社,2013.3. [15] (日)伊藤道治.中国古代王朝的形成[M].北京:中华书局,2002.21-25. [16] 傅斯年.性命古训辨证[A].中国现代学术经典·傅斯年卷[C].石家庄:河北教育出版社,1996.75. [17] 詹鄞鑫.上帝观的起源、发展及其影响[J].天津师范大学学报(社会科学版),1988,(5):45-51. [18] 朱凤瀚.商周时期的天神崇拜[J].中国社会科学,1993,(4):191-211. [19] 吕大吉.宗教学通论新编[M].中国社会科学出版社,2010.122. [20] 张荣明.论殷周上帝观[J].齐鲁学刊,1992,(4):51-55. [21] (唐)孔颖达.礼记正义[M].上海:上海古籍出版社,2008.1024. [22] (宋)朱熹.诗集传[M].上海:凤凰出版社,2007.151. [23] (清)孔广森.礼学卮言·论郊[A].(清)阮元编.清经解(第四册)[C].上海:上海书店,1988.771 . [24] 杨儒宾.殷周之际的纣王与文王——新天命观的解读[J].深圳社会科学,2018,(2):39-61. |
|
|
|